
By Michael Gillespie
The United National Antiwar Committee (UNAC) of Boston hosted Trinity College Professor and Director of International Studies Vijay Prashad on July 7. An appreciative audience of about 50 gathered at the Encuentro 5 community center on Harrison Avenue in Boston’s theater district to hear Prashad’s presentation, “Arab Spring/Libyan Winter.” Prashad prefaced his formal remarks with comments about UNAC and the importance of its role in the antiwar movement..
“The United National Antiwar Committee is essential,” said Prashad.
“This country suffers from a kind of addiction to hopefulness. … When Obama came on the scene and said that we can have a division between ‘the good war’ and ‘the bad war,’ in other words that Afghanistan was the good war and the problem with Bush was that he distracted us from the good war and took us into the bad war [in Iraq]. Essentially that was the limit of Obama’s antiwar position, and it was the limit in many ways of the Democratic Party’s position, which is for a sort of reasonable, moderate imperialism and not the sort of madcap, lunatic imperialism of the Republicans,” said Prashad, drawing approving laughter from his audience.
“The addiction to hopefulness on the one side meant that a very large section of people who were in the antiwar struggle – imagine, in February 2003 there were maybe 10 million people around the planet protesting against the war [and] even the New York Times Patrick Tyler had to admit that there remained two superpowers, one the United States and the other … world public opinion. Actually, it was not world public opinion; it was the global antiwar movement, but still, there was a sense at that time that there was a united front in the antiwar dynamic against militarism. But of course it was a united front against the bad wars, and the moment Obama came into office the antiwar platform that we had started to lose steam, because a section of the population put their faith not only in Obama to prosecute the good war, which is Afghanistan, but to close down Guantanamo, to stop using ‘black sites,’ etc. In fact, of course, it was George Bush who used to arrest terrorists, and it is Obama who kills them. But that is not for me to say, too often. Some people take offense at that,” said Prashad, again drawing laughter from his audience.
“So, the first reason I think it is important to have something like UNAC is that we must revive, from the bottom, the antiwar platform, which I think, until April 9, had become rather moribund. When UNAC appeared on April 9 in New York City, I think it was a message that the antiwar movement has been re-founded and will be revived,” said Prashad.
“The second reason is that, during the antiwar period from 2003 or 2002 maybe, until the election of Obama, the principal vehicle or ideological position against the war was against excessive war. But there was very little understanding of the twin processes of imperialism and Islamophobia. That is nobody, really, in the antiwar movement felt comfortable talking about Islamophobia,” said Prashad, noting that racism has somehow been made to seem banal, as if all racisms are the same.
“But actually, in the last decade or so, there has been a particularly sharp attack against real Muslims and those who get mistaken for Muslims, in other words, those who accidentally look like terrorists, which is really the heart of Islamophobia. I think what was really important in this re-founding of the antiwar position has been the linkage of imperialism and Islamophobia. In other words this formation, in its program, in its platform, says, ‘We oppose imperialism and we oppose Islamophobia,’ and believe me we are going to enter now the season of hate. When we come to the 10th anniversary of 9/11 on September 11, the climate of anti-Muslim hatred is going to rise exponentially. The media is a delightful ally in fanning the flames of hatred, and in that media there are people like Bill O’Reilly and others, Glenn Beck now has cried himself to the web, but there are others and they will be really pushing the Islamophobia message hard,” said Prashad.
Secondly the 10th anniversary of Afghanistan is going to show up and as you know in honor of that the United States has created a new continent in the world. No more North Africa, Middle East, South Asia. Now, the United States has created a geographical space that I consider to be ‘the drone lands.’ The drone lands go from Libya to Somalia to Yemen out to the borders between Afghanistan and Pakistan. So, the second reason why UNAC is important is that it has linked in its essence the processes of Islamophobia and imperialism, and it has said, ‘We need to combat both.’ So, for these two reasons, because we need to re-found a real antiwar presence, and we need to re-found that presence on the basis against imperialism and against Islamophobia … this is going to be an essential movement-building exercise for us,” said Prashad.
Prashad proceeded then to lay out for his audience what he called “a quick dossier” on the conflict in Libya in the context of the Arab Spring. In fact, his presentation included an overview of Libya’s history as well as U.S. interests and actions in the region and “the emergence of alternatives to militarism in the world … and how the antiwar movement could position itself against this bout of militarism.”
Prashad began by lamenting that the initial enthusiasm of and for the Arab Spring has seemed to begin to wane.
“It should not wane,” said Prashad.
“It is extraordinary that the people of Egypt after 30 years of struggle – you know, these struggles did not come from nowhere. … There is a history of peasant struggles, union struggles in Egypt, and struggles of professionals. There were lawyers for change, there were teachers for change, there strikes by police officers. There has been a great sense of disgruntlement in Egypt for 30 years at least. Fifty-three percent of the country lives under the poverty line. … This is a country that has been restive for many decades, and some breakthroughs took place,” said Prashad.
In Prashad’s analysis, revolutionary political change is often “unexpected … you cannot predict it, it’s conjunctural” and in part a result of economic developments and pressures.
“Last year the Russian wheat harvest failed, and because the wheat harvest failed, bread prices have gone crazy across the planet. In North Africa, bread prices used to be subsidized by the regimes. Thanks to their neoliberal prejudices, they decided some years ago to cut back on bread subsidies. Struggles against the rise in basic commodity prices, bread prices, fuel prices, et cetera, have broken out from last year. There was, as it were, a concatenation of events, the break in Tunisia first and then in Egypt, and this incredible thing happens. The thing that inspired people, the masses that formed themselves politically in Tahrir Square, refused to leave when the thugs came to beat them, and of course it was the organized masses that took on the thugs initially. If you go back and watch the video, pictures of when people came in on camel-back, you see these young men just break away from the crowd and form a line. I have no sympathy with the theory that revolutions happen only spontaneously; they may happen spontaneously, but they are defended through organization,” said Prashad.
“When the counter-revolutionary forces entered, it was the Muslim Brotherhood that went out there, defended the people in the square. Many died. Whatever I think of the Muslim Brotherhood, it was certainly an organized force able to create a wall to protect the square from the people who came in on camels with sabers and such,” said Prashad, who implored his listeners not to allow themselves or the media to minimize or forget the importance of what happened in Tunisia and Egypt.
“These are important developments. The revolutions there have not ended. They will continue; first a long march though the electoral process and who knows where it will go,” said Prashad.
The United States and France were both very uneasy regarding the revolutionary uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia respectively, said Prashad, noting that United States had too much to lose to allow its great friend in Egypt to be overthrown. Recalling that Obama sent Frank Wisner to Egypt “hold Mubarak’s hand” and “see the wisdom of creating more enthusiastic reforms,” Prashad recalled that Wisner, “who had no such subtlety, in a press conference said Mubarak should be allowed to cement his legacy.”
“The people in the square weren’t interested in Mubarak’s legacy. They had other things in mind,” said Prashad, who cautioned his audience against the revisionism that he said characterizes the Obama administration’s rhetoric about the Arab Spring.
“It is going to come hard; it is going to come fast; and it was full blown in Obama’s speech on the Arab Spring where he took it upon himself to declare virtually that it was his speech in Cairo that opened the doors to the Arab Spring,” said Prashad, who noted that demonstrators in Tahrir Square had held up tear gas canisters bearing the inscription, “Made in USA.”
Prashad said it was unfortunate for the US government that Arab Spring protests had spread to Bahrain because that country is an anchor of American power, policy, and interests in the region.
“[The peaceful revolution in] Bahrain had to be stopped,” said Prashad, because Bahrain’s collapse would have seriously endangered two of the principal pillars of American policy in the Middle East, one, that Iran has to be held back from exerting itself into the Arab world, and two, that nothing must happen to threaten the flow of oil.
“At that moment, Libya provided an historic opportunity,” said Prashad, who recalled for his audience Libya’s pre-Ghadaffi history, dating back to the 1920s, as an important base of Western power and influence in Africa.
“When [Qadaffi] nationalized the oil companies, when he threw out the Americans from their bases in Libya – people don’t remember that that the US had a major base in Wheelis AFB north of Tripoli. It was a principal place from which bombing raids were conducted in WWII, both in North Africa and in Southern Europe. [Wheelis] was a major US base in North Africa, and Ghadaffi removed the Americans from that base, which used to be a British base, before that a Luftwaffe base, and before that an Italian base,” said Prashad, recalling that Qadaffi had overthrown King Idriss, who had been effectively appointed by the victorious Allies after WWII and was friendly to their interests.
Prashad identified several political divisions in Libyan society, noted that many Libyans had long been deeply frustrated Qadaffi’s failings, and recalled that Ghadaffi’s government had sought to make a deal with the West in the 1990s and especially after 2001.
Prashad described the anti-Qadaffi group that defected to Benghazi in February as the former right-wing neo-liberal establishment within the Qadaffi government.
For the United States, that provided a huge opportunity, said Prashad.
“How better to take charge of the dynamic in the Arab Spring than to defend this particular uprising as the most authentic uprising, democratic uprising in the region?” asked Prashad, noting that these were Libyans who had already sought to make a deal with the West and were close to the Pentagon, the World Bank, and other Western institutions.
“From February to March, as the Egyptian struggle was increasing and gaining tempo, as the Tunisian struggle was ended in one sense but as the protests continued, and as Bahrain picks up, the United States and the French push for a second resolution [on Libya] in the UN. My thought was, ‘Why do they need a second resolution, when there was a pretty good resolution already?’ They begin to amp up the rhetoric that civilians were going to be killed. Meanwhile civilians were being killed in Bahrain, but there was no question of any UN resolution. Civilians were being killed brutally in Yemen, but there was no question of any UN resolution, which is why I was puzzled when some of our friends on the Left got themselves so excited about Libya. When they then said, ‘Well, just because it’s happening in Bahrain doesn’t mean we have to not support [intervention] in Libya,’ well, I’ve lived long enough to know that any imperialist intervention is a bad idea when it claims to be on the side of civilians,” said Prashad, drawing applause from his audience.
“If Libya goes to the American column, Wheelis AFB is going to be the home of AFRICOM. … Nothing like having a huge air force base between Libya on one side and Egypt on the other. Libya is strategically located,” said Prashad.
Reducing U.S. Middle East policy to a slogan, Prashad declared, “Oil must flow; Iran must go!” He added that the other two pillars of American policy are Israeli interests and the war on terror.
The West is addicted to war, said Prashad; rhetoric about helping women and civilians is often a smokescreen; and aerial bombardment as a failed strategy for delivering freedom to people has a terrible history. Prashad noted that, ironically, three very important women in the Obama administration, Susan Rice, Samantha Powers, and Hillary Clinton, have been pushing the humanitarian intervention line.
“Others are watching. Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, this BRICS formation is interesting. It’s not a socialist formation. It’s not even necessarily anti-neoliberal. None of these are great powers of a future dispensation, but certainly they are combating American power, and I think for the benefit of the planet, this is a very healthy development,” said Prashad.
“The IMF has predicted that by 2016 the United States will cease to be the largest economy in the world. It has been the largest economy since the 1920s. It will be a huge blow to our self-esteem not to be the greatest country in the world any longer, and I don’t know how presidential candidates are going to speak when they go to Iowa. What will they say? ‘We’re the second greatest country in the world’? Greatness is measured by the size of your GNP, so it will be inaccurate to brag now. China is going to take over economically. If you add the BRICS countries together, they are already much greater. Output, growth rate is much faster than the United States. The American Century essentially is already over,” declared Prashad.
“The BRICS countries, during the emergence of the Libyan crisis, tried to put forward an alternative strategy. … Now the BRICS countries are trying aggressively, very hard, to create an alternative platform, again virtually unreported in the American and European media,” an alternative to the NATO/G7 approach to international conflict, the Kosovo model, which is to bomb from the air, isolate and put the leader before the International Court, and set up a government friendly to Western neo-liberalism, said Prashad.
“The BRICS countries … have a theory about how to produce negotiations. It is two different power blocs in conflict, and … that is something to keep an eye on.”
Boston UNAC member Kim Foltz introduced Prashad, author of the award-winning The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (2009) and a soon to be published collection, Dispatches from Pakistan. Boston area community organizer and social justice activist Marilyn Levin also addressed the audience. A wide-ranging Q&A session followed.
Photo by Michael Gillespie